Constructivism in International Relations

Constructivism in supranational RelationsExplain and discuss how constructivism in IR gets to re-shape discourses on bail away from materialistic apprehensions of top executive authorities and to contendds a conception that takes account of government agency of humors.Since the end of the in gentleman warfargon, aegis studies in supranational transaction have witnessed an overwhelming emergence of mod academic lit successionry molds reflecting the spays in founding hugeistic policy-making environment. Concept of globular certificate measures has evolved passim the history going back as far as antiquated Greece but arguably never been repugnd and re- neighborly coordinated to the extent that it was in post Cold War era. Critical theories in general and constructivism specifically added a radical dimension to the outside(a) relations studies with focusing on influence of kind elements such(prenominal) as norms and likings and rejected the arbitrarin esss of purely materialistic start out to earth political science and certification.1Collapse of the Soviet Union, following the suspension of the activities of the Communist party by Supreme Soviet, the parliament of the U.S.S.R on August 29 1991, validate and renewed the International relations scholars concerns about(predicate) the methodology of the foreign relations determine and the extent in which it had played a subroutine in the production of worldwide top executives.2The subscribe of this es allege is to identify and discuss how constructivism influenced the concept of certificate in world(prenominal) relations with emphasising on the graphic symbol of soundly-disposed elements and the extent in which constructivism has criticised the materialistic progression. In doing so this paper explores the structure of global tribute from the stand smirch of constructivism and its core elements figureing the power of idea in repartee to the materialistic run ac ross of power politics. Furthermore, it will analyse the constructivist result and effort to alter the discourses of shelter in multinational politics theory by subjecting the passage of complaisant interaction in forming identity element and authority of norms and ideas in global credential. Finally, concepts of kind-heartedkind certification and Collective Security will be looked at from both insurepoints.The end of the Cold War came as a surprise to the classical dominant scholars, who failed to predict or rationalize the changes in global politics, whilst simultaneously providing the probability for further education of critical thoughts, which were just about since the mid 1980s. Realist theory and positivist methodology in internationalist relations were criticised for their materialistic approaches by constructivism, which quickly flourished and was recognised as a theory that emphasised on the social dimension of international politics. This advance towar ds the possibility of change equipped the theory to capture most-valuable features of the worlds relations3.Among the some(prenominal) aspects of mainstream presumptions and beliefs in world politics, which were challenged by constructivism, was the pessimistic catch up with towards tranquility and over-de end pointinistic temperament of these theories about the contradict, panic and the world tribute. Constructivism challenged the theory of power politics, dominant perception of the threat and struggle in global politics and took a completely incompatible approach in studying the shift key of the warranter dilemma by focusing on subjects such as evaluation of credentials concomitantors, construction of the threat, and appropriate responses.4Constructivisms approach to the subjects of threat, conflict and protection in global politics originated from their fundamental emphasis on the social dimensions of international politics, thus it demarcated them as socially cons tructed elements in the process of identity formation under the influence of the norms and sectiond values of society. all over the years and especially subsequently the Cold War, constructivism positioned itself as a major critique of the dominant theories in international politics by addressing issues such as equilibrize of power, elective peace and the re-introduction of the phenomena of incorporated security, security federation, human security, human rights and many opposite social elements to the field of security studies of international politics.One could cope that most of the constructivists work was formed around their aim in explaining the changes in world politics in the period towards the end, and after the Cold War when dominant international relations theories failed to predict the sudden change in the global politics and old security regime. These changes to the international semipolitical environment, which occurred in the 1980s, raised questions about so cial construction and the methodology of international relations theories and their involvement and effects in the production of international power.The term constructivism was introduced by Nicholas Onuf in 1989 and identified simply as muckle and societies construct or constitute each former(a).5According to Wendt, constructivism assumes that the fundamental structures of international politics argon social and these structures shape actors identities and by-lines.6World in constructivists term is constitute by both experience and material factors and moreover as a social theory, it is concerned with the relationship amongst agents and structures. Furthermore, all constructivists look at a green concern when explaining how international structures be defined by ideas and how identities and come tos of the countrys and non-state players argon shaped by the structures.7It is at this juncture when a equality is needed to understand the differences among mainstream interna tional relations theories and constructivism in security studies. As a result, it is life-and-death to see global security from real numberisms point of conniption to fully understand the bureau of the elements such as threat, response and survival in constructing the realists approach to the security dilemma. Likewise, it is necessary to analyse constructivisms view of ideas and knowledge and to study the relationship between structure and agency as well(p) as the construction and identification of threat.Security studies is a flat subject in the field of international relations and has changed and evolved throughout history. This ontogeny was impacted, probably more than any opposite subject in international relations, by recent technological systemal advancements and historical events. However, as far as history goes the core concern of security studies has centred on the states strategy to suffer and protect its b entraps against outside threats. Attempts to understan d security and provide an answer to security dilemmas can be traced back to Greece in fifth century BC when Thucydides theorised the violence and war and describe the security dilemma based on Peloponnesian war. Many centuries later Carl Von Cla functionwitz and Thomas Hobbs devoted practically of their clock and work to define these contemporary security dilemmas. By following the work of these scholars we reach the conclusion that despite the differences in language, efficient development, social and political intuitions, religious and cultural beliefs, states faced almost identical threats and suffered from the same security dilemmas throughout history.Here a comparison is needed to understand the differences between mainstream international relations theories and constructivism in security studies. It is crucial to see the global security issue from realisms point of view to fully understand the role of the elements such as threat, response and survival in constructing the r ealists approach to security dilemma. Similarly, it is necessary to analyse constructivisms analysis of idea and knowledge in set up to study the relationship between structure and agency as well as construction and identification of threat.In recent decades critical schools and other theories of international relations have challenged the traditional materialistic approach to security study, which focused on politics and power. Among them constructivism played an grievous role in developing an ideational approach that emphasised the effect and role of norms and ideas in global security.8Norms be produced through social practice as intersubjective beliefs about social and the natural world that defines the identity of the players, their roles and the possibilities of their actions.9Thus actors and their meaningful actions ar constituted by the norms on the basis of their social roles and environments. These norms could also balance the actors behaviour by delimitate the approp riateness and effectiveness of their action.10Constructivisms approach differs with regard to the actors and social structures of the international politics in comparison with the rationalists view. The political environment in the Realists and Neo-liberalists view is comprised of rational actors, whose actions are self-interested in order to maximise their ultimate goal of survival and relationship between these actors, and is structured by the balance of material power.11In contrast, constructivism focuses on the actors and structures in a chiping(a) stage setting, where actors are influenced by the environment and social elements and structures and are produced and reproduced by the actors.12On the other hand, in the constructivists view idea plays an alpha role in forming the actors and their actions.13This means that when ideas become norms, they can constrain the actors behaviour and reactions but at the same time they constitute actors and legitimise their action by pos sible action the space for them to act and influence the social structure.14In essence, constructivism criticises the rationalist approach of ignoring the role of social factors in interaction between players in International relations. The constructivists critique of neo-realists and neo-liberalists concerns not what these scholars do and say but what they ignore the sum and source of state interests and social fabric of world politics.15According to capital of Minnesota Kowert, rationalist theories explain how states should choose or how they should bargain. They offer answers to some important questions about when states should cooperate and when they might be expected to fight. Yet they say nothing about who the actors are or how their interests were constituted.16Constructivism opines in the dynamic temper of international politics and promotes the vision of change. In doing so it criticises the rationalist view of static material and considers the system of self- help, powe r politics and threat as socially constructed elements of international politics. Alexander Wendt notes, that self-help is an institution, one of the versatile structures of identity and interest that may survive under anarchy.17In examining the subject of security in international politics, constructivism concludes that threats are constructed in the process of social interaction in the process of formation of identity and interests. In such an environment therefore, norms and divided up values play a role in upward(a) the cooperation between actors by forming the economical and political structures that promote peace between the actors in international politics.18The constructivist account of identity formation in the process of social interaction in security studies attempts to answer the important question of how threats are formed and how international actors act against this threat. Both traditional and defensive realists share the view that threatening gouges are formed around the phenomena of the balance of power, and states reactions are determined and guided by the state-centric system of self-interest and the anarchic nature of international politics. However, they employ in a different view when defining the kind of reaction states portray, as traditional realists weigh that states balance their power against threatening forces whilst the defensive realists maintain the view that states form allies to add-on their capability and security against the common threat. In contrast to this opinion, constructivists developed the idea of legitimacy and demonstrate that states reactions to threatening forces are influenced by social elements such as norms and overlap values in the process of interaction, and are enjoin by the logic of appropriateness. In other word, norms and shared values define the legitimacy and appropriateness of states actions, as opposed to the traditional view of logic of consequence.Another aspect of global security is the phenomenon of security dilemma, which can be defined as a states scruple in evaluating and assessing the intentions of others. Hopf argues that while the security dilemma is an important factor to understand the conflictual relationship between the states, it may not be relevant to many others which face less or no conflict and have many common interests.19The constructivists account of security dilemma is quite different to that of the realist. In constructivisms view the reality of the world, which includes the world of international relations, has been socially constructed via a complex of inter-subjective understanding . In other words, anarchy as the prime structural feature of the international domain of a function around which all considerations of security and insecurity revolve is not an self-directed phenomenon that generates its own inescapable logic. This also means that the security dilemma, for example, does not exist before any interaction between states but is in fact a product of social interactions of states.20In addition, Hopf notes that norms can reduce distrust by providing meaning, identities reduce uncertainty. Enabling states to recognise their enemy may not result in security, but identity can replace the uncertainty with certain insecurity.21Constructivist security theory has also addressed the absence of war between liberal democracies or to wit, the concept of democratic peace. Here liberals believe that democracies do not oppose each other since norms of compromise and cooperation hamper their conflicts of interest from escalating into violent clashes.22This can be interpreted in various ways first it could be argued that these norms are bound to competition and constituted by domestic democratic principles,23or second, that they can be seen as the product of domestic institutions and their effect on states behaviour.24One could also argue that domestic principles and practice work together and therefore are reciprocally cons tituted. In constructivist ideology, the important aspect of peace or absence of conflict among the democratic states is the role played by norms within this context. Thus without evaluate or rejecting any of the above arguments it could simply be utter that democratic peace could be made possible with the concept of norms playing an important role in preventing conflict.25Constructivist interpretation of global politics as a socially constructed structure provides the necessary means, for the theory under examination, to respond to some other important subject in international security study namely that of security community. The concept of security community was introduced by Richard Van Wagenen26in the early 1950s and further developed in a study by Karl Deutsch and his associates in the same period.27Theories and ideas evolved around this concept by attempting to explain the states actions in the face of a security threat from a different perspective than the rationalist view of balance of power. One theory include the idea of formation of a security community developed around the concept of collective security with the focus on the states effort to chant their own security by acting together. The distinctive feature of the security community idea, which set it apart from the traditional concept of democratic peace, was in its emphasis on the states security and not on the democratic structure of the states. Lawson commented on this approach by adding that in a constructivist approach the idea of community is not control to democracies.28The study of collective security and the constitution of the security community aim to explain how states react when facing threat and insecurity in the international political environment. In other words, a group of states identify a common threat and form a relationship to defend themselves by acting as a incorporate whole. Formation of such communities, based on a collective knowledge of a common threat not only improves the security of the states against the threat, it also results in peace between the members of such a community. More succinctly, those who are acting as one against the common threat would not fight each other for the same reason. As Deutsch illustrates, the security community as a group of states come together to the degree that they feel real assurance that members of the community will not fight each other physically, but will settle their disputes in some other way.29He identifies the states sovereignty as the point of differentiation in formation of deuce types of security communities and explains that a pluralistic community forms when states retain their sovereignty, whereas in an coalesced type states formally unify in order to form a community security. in spite of the earlier references to collective security by traditional international relations theories such as liberalism, the modern concept of collective security and states acting as a community against a c ommon threat is a relatively new idea and has only been staidly considered subsequent to the Cold War in both academic and virtual(a) senses.The fact that the Cold War almost ended without serious foeman between the two blocks has positively changed the international political atmosphere. A black market towards a more peaceful future has been attained as well as an enhancement of the influence of theories, which have emphasised the role of identity, norms and social basis of the structure of international politics. Moreover, states once again saw the chance for constructing a new foundation to achieve a peaceful and immutable international order.30Meanwhile, the social elements of international politics have certain much more attention accompanied by friendlier treatment from politicians and Deutschs original ideas of shared understanding, transnational values including the possibility of peace, which were brought back to attention again.31In his observations Adler act to ad dress the issue of the circumstances where states are more likely to jib on forming a security community in the face of threat, and observe that, those who realise the devastating effects of the insecurity of war on the economical, political and social aspects of a democratic system will agree on coming together in order to defend themselves and promote peace and stability. He believed that such an agreement was founded on shared values and actors identities and notes security communities are socially constructed because shared meaning, constituted by interaction, engenders collective identities. They are dependent on communication, discourse and interpretation, as well as on material environment.32Almost all the literatures about security community concord on the critical and centric role of identity, and identity formation processes in the construction of the collective security and formation of a security community. individualism in this case, is the distinctive characteristi c of one group against another. Unlike the mainstream theorys approach to actors identity as a static and pre-defined status of the states, constructivism defines identity as a variable factor, which changes with time and is associated with cultural, political, historical and social contexts.As stated before, the introduction of collective security and security community can be traced back to the 1950s. However, despite Van Wagenen and Deutschs efforts to develop the idea, it did not receive much attention until the end of the Cold War. It can be argued that the dominance of the realist look-alike during the Cold War in the realm of global politics on the one hand, and the hostile circumstances of bi-polar structure of global security on the other hand are to blame for the states lack of interest in any security arrangements other than one which could guaranty their survival. The United Nations misadventure in bringing the sovereign nations together from both sides in order to for m a pluralistic security community at an international level also added to the uncertainty of the nations in considering any order other than a bi-polar system.Following the Cold War, international politics has witnessed a new wave of ideas and theories which have found a voice in an attempt to theorise the new world order in global politics. At this time it can be said that the concept of security community and collective security has benefited from the critical theories emphasis on social dimensions of international politics and their special attention to social norms, culture, identity and shared values. For many decades realism and neo-liberal institutionalism were dominant forces in global politics and security studies and thence played a major role in defining international politics. Whilst both of these theories assume that war is inevitable and always expected, realism identifies the dissemination of material power as the defining element of global politics and relationshi ps between states following with the conclusion that, factors such as the balance of power, the role of superpowers and alliances are only the means for preventing war and not for creating peace. Neo-liberal institutionalism shows more interest in finding the means to encourage cooperation between the states and focuses on the role of institutions in enhancing cooperation between self-interested states in order to prevent conflict. As it appears in both paradigms, war and material capability remains inevitably at the centre of these theories about war and conflict, which continues to dominate global security in both theory and practice until the end of the Cold War.33Peaceful change and the idea of achieving long term peace and global security, not on the basis of material capability and deterrence but based on the concept of identity-formation processes and the role of norms and values, became the feature of critical theories in the mid 1980s. This notion was developed further with the rise of constructivism as an international relations theory. Constructivism explained how ideas and identities are created and how norms and shared values shape the states affairs, strategies and reactions to global security. Since it is unrealistic to ignore the power of material in the backdrop of international relations and security studies, constructivism complemented the animated theories by adding the social dimension to the international relations field and emphasising the immenseness of collective identities and shared values in developing security in particular, and the idea of collective security in general.34Human security is a relatively new subject in international relations and has reign an integral portion of international security studies after the Cold War. Human security in its current form is the product of the shift from state-centric views of security and power politics towards accepting the role of social elements in global security.35The phenomena of s ecurity in the area of international relations has traditionally been limited to the forces defence where states compete with each other for gaining or improving their security and survival in an anarchic system with their focus on military power. In such an anarchic structure national security becomes equally as important as defending the territory against external military threat.36The more modern approach in security studies accepts the crucial role of traditional views in protecting the states but does not believe that it is sufficient to protect human welfare, whether within the states borders or internationally. Basic human needs are the focus of modern security studies in the context of human security and as such the 1994 Human Development story of the UN Development Program stressed that for most people today, a sapidity of insecurity arises more from worries about daily life than from the dread of destructive world events. Job security, income security, health, environm ental security, security from crime these are rising concerns of human security all over the world.37The changing context of state security, especially after the Cold War, opened the space for the critical ideas to challenge state-centric, power-based systems of global politics that gave priority to high politics. It has also increased the opportunity to address transnational issues around the globe such as human immunodeficiency virus/AIDS, the control and management of weapons of mass destruction, illegal arms and rug trades and environmental and population problems.38Widening the boundaries of security studies following the introduction of social and economical elements, which were not traditionally considered as part of the field of security, was not received well by the mainstream classical theorists and attracted criticism from traditionally dominant theories in international relations. The key argument against the critical thinkers and constructivists was that security shou ld only engage with issues centred around the use of force and threats thus, elevation of the social and economical issues to the study of security and the promotion of non-military issues to the same level of real security elements is a threat to the coherence of the subject. Therefore, the broadening of security studies was criticised by a wide range of traditional scholars. On one side of the spectrum were those who believed that only military power and threatening force were subject to the field of security studies, and on the other side were scholars who could see the need for change. Furthermore, while they endorsed the conventional view that the military is the primary factor in security studies they also veritable the fact that especially in post Cold War era there is a need for opening the international studies to non-military cases of conflicts as well.39For traditional thinkers such as Chipman, opening the concept of security to non-military issues was only agreeable if they played the role in a context of utilised force and threats between political actors. He noted the structuring elements of strategic analysis mustiness be the possible use of force.40The essential point in Chipmans hypotheses is that he acknowledges the role of non-military aspects of security but at the same time emphasises that the use of military force should remain at the core of strategic analysis.Despite the shift among the conservatives of moving away from the state-centeric system towards the wider approach to security, some traditionalist thinkers never accepted the idea of social elements playing a role in security and strongly argued against it. One of the most strongest traditionalists Stephan Walt, defines security as studying the threat and use of military force and opposes the widening of security fields and the inclusion of issues outside the miliary domain into security studies. He argues that, (it) runs the seek of expanding security studies excessively by this logic, issues such as pollution, disease, child abus